After The Constitutional Revolution is carried out, because of gap in the authority and because of political and social factors, it experienced a slow and complicated transition from previous security system to a new situation, and during this transition, it faced extensive insecurity in the roads. This paper examines the situation in the region of Esfahan. The study showed that the condition of the roads in Isfahan, immediately after The Constitutional Revolution until World War I, became very insecure and despite the efforts of city governor, provincial association and central authorities in Tehran, insecurity is continued. It affects people lives, so it caused displeasure and the change of the view of some of them, especially traders, about the constitution system. The study is based on news and contents of the newspapers published in Isfahan after the Constitutional Revolution. Refer to these resources to show the real space and dramatization of the works and results of the insecurity is more appropriate than resources like memories or state documents.

Tendency to superstitious and using Talismans and spell was common in Qajar Era. Yet this issue was more, or fundamentally, defined as a feminine phenomenon. This kind of view had some roots and sources as well as some effects and results. This paper is going to study its roots and results and ask why and how it exited. It seems that the main reason for defining superstitious as a feminine phenomenon is the superiority of men in comparison with women in Qajar Era. Women usually were considered as weak and powerless creatures. The result of this thought was a kind of women-phobia. This phobia naturally made a condition in which women deprived of their rights to participate in the Constitutional Revolution parliament election. In the middle of Qajar Era, some of Iranian reformists found a meaningful relationship between social lagging and Iranian women lagging. They tried to show the social and historical roots of society problems, like women problems, and challenge the old and traditional thoughts and open a new route for reform in Iran.

Teymouri era was the time of a contrast between two emirate and vizier-ship institute. These two institutes and their related views, vizier-ship-based approach and its followers and emirate-based approach led the political and social events in Teymouri era. Among these, the role of authors of Teymouri era in describing, interpreting and explaining two discourses is so important. One of them in emirate-based approach was Molana Sharaf-a-din Yazdi. By studying his work, Zafarname, and by applying Norman Fairclough’s linguistic instruments, we can describe Yazdi’s attitude about emirate-based discourse. In Zafarname, elements of emirate-based discourse, such as militarism and considering Turks, are endorsed, but elements of vizier-ship-based discourse, such as vizier-ship and being an Iranian, are rambled. Results show that it was political condition of Teymouri era that made Sharraf-a-din to support emirate-based discourse. For example, Teymour, as an emir, was present in political events and he paid attention to militarism. Therefore emirate-based discourse, instead of vizier-ship-based one, was supported.

Shiite sect in the life of Iranians was very important during the Safavid era. Therefore scrutinizing viewpoints of religious sources to Nowruz, as the greatest ancient Iranian feast, is too important. In safavid era, religious debates about Nowruz led to writing many booklets that were called “Nowruziye”. We know about thirteen Nowruziye, but just nine of them are accessible now. In this paper, Nowruziyes are introduced and their writing time, linguistic and literary characteristics, and content structure will be studied on the basis of remaining manuscripts. The writing Nowruziyes has begun at Shah Tahmasp Safavi’s reign, but its climax is in the Soleyman and Soltan Hossein era. These texts are easy and simple. Determination of religious Nowruz based on Shiite Hadithes (narrations) is the most frequent debate.

Twenty years after the establishment of constitutional government in Iran and simultaneously with head minister of Reza khan we can see the being discussion about establishment of republic government in Iran. The autocratic power loss of Qajar kings after establishment the constitutional regime played an important role in this field. By limiting the king's powers, the Qajar governors lacked the necessary power for suppression of opinions and ideas of political repression. Weakness of the Qajar kings reached a peak at the Ahmad Shah period. At this period strong organizational of Raeis-al-vozaraei of Reza khan emerged besides the demise of the monarchy. This new organization followed to convert Iran to republical regime at that point. Some of religiouses disagreed with republic regime with religious reasons. Because they knew equivalent republicational system with secularism. Such uncertainty (doubts) when it was created in the clergy's thought that neighboring country (Turkey) regime established and were figure secularism symbols. This paper sought to answer of main question with descriptive and analytical method. The main question is: how did the clergy reaction against republicational of Reza khan? The next question is: what issues were dissension between Reza khan and Saied Hassan Modarres? Based on our assumption, the refugee clergys were uncertainty their situation in Najaf because of Faisal government which proteged by Great Britain. They wanted to maintain Reza khan power as a protector in Iran Shiites. But some of clergys whom led by Modarres were dashed Reza khan plans and caused failure republicational schedume. The second hypothesis will: the main conflict between Modarres and Reza khan on new regime illegitimacy based on constitutional law-military regime of Qazaghs (Cossack) was inconsistent with constitutional law and constitutional regime and republicational was not based on will of the people.

Mashhad, the center of Khorasan province, had a significant role in Iranians anti-authoritarian struggles which led to the Constitutional Revolution. Some of the authors by considering the riots and infightings in Mashhad, a few years before victory of revolution, have considered a pioneering and inspiration role for this city and its people. Despite efforts and infightings of Mashhad constitutionalists, after victory of the revolution, the space of the city became strangulated, so the constitutionalists failed to achieve their goals. Most of Mashhad constitutionalists were arrested, taken prisoner and sent into exile. In fact, the Constitution and constitutionalists became isolated and suppressed in the city. This research is going to find an answer for the reasons of the mentioned sphere of Mashhad. To answer the question, the paper hypothesis is focused in the role and interferences of Russia in the city.

Up to now, there was not an independent and real research about Compromiser Right political approach. This paper aim is to analyze the Compromiser Right approach in Jungle movement based on Wilfred Pareto’s Elite theory and interpret the characteristics and elements of the this political approach. The method used in this research is document analysis. The method of collecting data is library method. Three elements (independence and territorial integrity, social justice and political despotism) are focused in this research. We will continue with interpreting the relation between the movement and the religion and the popular legitimacy of the movement based on two elements (level and geography). Finally we will consider the internal and international opponents and pros of the Compromiser Right approach.